Category Archives: 2 – ΚΡΑΤΗ και Περιφερειες (States and Regions)

New Zealand Army – WWII – Crete | NZETC

List of Maps p. xvi

CHAPTER 1 — Crete till the Evacuation of Greece
CHAPTER 2 — British and German Preparations 25 April – 19 May
CHAPTER 3 — First Day of Battle: 20 May
CHAPTER 4 — The Second Day: 21 May
CHAPTER 5 — The Third Day: 22 May
CHAPTER 6 — The Fourth Day: 23 May
CHAPTER 7 — The Fifth Day: 24 May p. 278
CHAPTER 8 — The Sixth Day: 25 May
CHAPTER 9 — The Seventh Day: 26 May
CHAPTER 10 — The Eighth Day: 27 May
CHAPTER 11 — Withdrawal and Evacuation
CHAPTER 12 — Conclusion p. 456

Appendix I — ‘Crete News’ p. 465
Appendix II — ESCAPE OF THE KING OF GREECE — (By W. E. Murphy) p. 468

via Crete | NZETC

Return To Greece (1944) – YouTube

L/S Destroyer at sea, taken astern. M/S as they drop the anchor near Kythera. Locals welcome them. Members of ELAS march through the streets. M/S of a fort in Kythera with old British cannon. M/S Greek people on donkeys. C/U studies of Greek men and women. L/S Greek flag and Union Jack flying in Kythera. L/S British invasion barges at sea during the invasion of Poleponnesia. Various shots of the people of Patras waving to British troops. A lady puts a garland around a soldier’s neck. M/S of Greek priest. Various shots of supplies being unloaded. Various shots of Greeks helping repair runway of aerodrome at Araxos. M/S Dakota landing and taxiing on airfield. L/S Patras, third largest city in Greece. L/S Greek crowds cheering the allies. Various shots of Greeks holding a big parade in Patras. Various shots of the Mayor on horseback. L/S as Greek flag is hoisted, everyone cheers.



via Return To Greece (1944) – YouTube

British Forces In Athens (1944) – YouTube

Various shots of naval vessels sailing off the Greek coast. M/S of heliograph signalling from Destroyer. L/S invasion barges, and other small craft, loaded with British troops sailing into Athens. Shot looking up mast of Royal Ensign. General views of British troops marching in Athens, locals applaud. Several good panoramas of Athens. Various shots of of the ruins of the Acropolis. L/S Greek flag being carried in front of Acropolis. Good shots of attractive young women. M/S of the Greek Prime Minister Papandreou hoisting the Greek flag on highest point overlooking Athens. M/S Greek flag waving in the breeze. Various shots showing enthusiastic locals as British troops and vehicles drive through Athens.

via British Forces In Athens (1944) – YouTube

Berlin authorities placed children with pedophiles for 30 years | Germany| News and in-depth reporting from Berlin and beyond | DW | 15.06.2020

The researchers found that several of the foster fathers were high-profile academics. They speak of a network that included high-ranking members of the Max Planck Institute, Berlin’s Free University, and the notorious Odenwald School in Hesse, West Germany, which was at the center of a major pedophilia scandal several years ago. It has since been closed down.

Berlin’s senator for youth and children, Sandra Scheeres called the findings “shocking and horrifying.”

A first report on the “Kentler experiment” was published in 2016 by the University of Göttingen. The researchers then stated that the Berlin Senate seemed to lack interest in finding out the truth.

Now Berlin authorities have vowed to shed light on the matter.

via Berlin authorities placed children with pedophiles for 30 years | Germany| News and in-depth reporting from Berlin and beyond | DW | 15.06.2020

Μέρος 2o:Το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Κίνας και τα ζητήματα επαναστατικής στρατηγικής την περίοδο 1927-1949. Μια απόπειρα συγκριτικής παράθεσης με την περίπτωση της Ελλάδας. Του Μιχάλη Λυμπεράτου | | Μνήμη | Κριτική | Αστάθμητο

Να σημειωθεί ότι το πρόγραμμα της Νέας Δημοκρατίας είχε ακριβώς τους ίδιους άξονες με το πρόγραμμα του ΕΑΜ της Κατοχής και το οποίο διακήρυσσε ότι θα υλοποιούσε ο ΔΣΕ. Το πρόγραμμα της «Λαϊκής Δημοκρατία» του 1943 αφορούσε στη συγκρότηση μιας λαϊκής βουλής εκλεγμένης με καθολική, άμεση και μυστική ψηφοφορία και ενός κράτους που θα καταργούσε τους μεσαιωνικούς φόρους και δοσίματα, θα απαλλοτρίωνε τα τσιφλίκια, θα ενίσχυε τη βιομηχανική ανάπτυξη της χώρας, θα εθνικοποιούσε βασικές συγκοινωνίες, σιδηροδρόμους, λιμενικές εγκαταστάσεις και θα έθετε σε λειτουργία ένα σχέδιο μεγάλων έργων κυρίως συγκοινωνιών και οδοποιίας.[65] Όπως επιβεβαίωσε και ο εισηγητής του θέματος Γ. Ζεύγος στα 1945 το κόμμα θα έλυνε τα αστικοδημοκρατικά προβλήματα «μέσα στα αστικά πλαίσια, γιατί δεν καταργεί την αστική ιδιοκτησία…. Ωστόσο, η Λαϊκή Δημοκρατία δεν είναι «νέα αστική δημοκρατία» …..γιατί τις αλλαγές τις ενεργεί ο εργαζόμενος λαός… και δεν μπορούν να γίνουν χωρίς την κατάσχεση και εθνικοποίηση των τραπεζών και των επιχειρήσεων που ελέγχονται από το ξένο κεφάλαιο καθώς και την εθνικοποίηση των μεγάλων μονοπωλίων…»[66]

via | | Μνήμη | Κριτική | Αστάθμητο

Eκθεση της αμερικανικής αποστολής (έκθεση Πόρτερ) – Και όμως από το 1947 δεν άλλαξε τίποτε στην Ελλάδα !

TODAY an almost forgotten American mission has got to perform a miracle—or fail in its job. The miracle is to save Greece from economic disintegration and the inroads of Communism.

The fight to save Greece is just beginning. The announcement of plans is not enough. What will go on in Greece this month and next is infinitely more important than are the debates which commanded the headlines last March and April.

OPA Administrator Paul A. Porter speaking at a news conference.
Courtesy of the Harry Truman Library and Museum

Last January, I went to Greece as head of a mission charged with reporting on the economic situation and with determining what outside assistance would be necessary for the survival of the Greek nation. I know at firsthand the complicated and discouraging conditions which today are confronting Dwight Griswold and the American Mission for Aid to Greece. And I feel strongly that the American people should know precisely what these conditions are.

During a trip through the lovely Greek countryside, a peasant I talked with typified the Greek national psychosis. He was a weary and discouraged man, prematurely old, his face lined and wrinkled, his hands upturned in a gesture of mute despair.

“Four times in my lifetime my home has been destroyed,” he said, “—by the Turks, the Bulgars, the Nazis and the guerrillas. Why should I build it up again?”

This hopelessness is typical. The whole country, from top to bottom, is in the grip of a gray, unrelieved, profound lack of faith in the future–a lack of faith which produces simple inertia for the present. From the large textile manufacturers in Athens to the small shopkeepers and farmers in the northernmost part of Macedonia, people are paralyzed by uncertainty and fear.

Businessmen will not invest. Storekeepers will not lay in supplies. Peasants will not repair their ruined houses. One official told me that 150,-000 homes had been totally destroyed in Greece and that only 1,300 had been rebuilt in 1946.

“All that the U.S. mission to Greece has to do is end a civil war, eliminate corruption in government ranks, rebuild the economy of a nation and revive hope in a people sunk in despair. There’s a chance they’ll do it”

My most depressing experience in Greece was a visit to Kalavryta, the Lidice of Greece. This was the village high up a narrow gorge near the Gulf of Corinth where, in December, 1943, a small band of Greek resistance forces ambushed a squadron of Nazi occupation troops. The German reprisal was an unbelievable act of horror and brutality. The 1,200 men of the village were herded into an open field, where from the vantage point of higher ground, they were forced to watch their homes and shops burned from the incendiary volleys fired simultaneously into each structure. When the conflagration reached its height and the Greeks sought to break away from their Nazi guards, machine guns from concealed emplacements massacred the helpless lot of them.

Meantime, the women, old men and children were concentrated in the largest building—a school. It was the last to be ignited. Legend has it that the screams of the women and children were too much for an Austrian officer and he shot the lock off the door. Liberated from the blazing school, the survivors fled to the hills and returned later that night to recover the bodies of their men on the hillside, and buried them in the village cemetery.

The despair in Greece today is crucial, because our whole program of aid is based on the assumption that the people will be able to snap out of the prevailing inertia. We are not stepping up the amount of outside assistance enough to make the future much different from the past. During 1946, Greece got about S330,000,-000 from UNRRA and the British; our aid of $350,000,000 barely exceeds this. And, at the same time, we are banking on the ability of the Greeks to more than double their exports. So, far from having too liberal an amount of money for use in Greece, we are operating on an exceedingly narrow margin. Indeed it may soon become apparent that estimates of $350,000,000 which my group made are too conservative, and that additional funds may be necessary. Mr. Griswold will find that conditions have rapidly worsened since the first mission went out last January. There has since been a widespread drought which has. substantially reduced local grain production. The military activity has been stepped up. And our own price level has risen to shade the value of the dollars Congress has made available. The $350,000,000 loan will not go as far as we had hoped and planned. At best, we will get up to the minimum reconstruction level. At worst, we may have trouble maintaining a level of decent subsistence.

If the American mission is to end this deep sense of national hopelessness, it must resolve two controversial situations—the civil war and the present government.

One winter day in Macedonia, as I was standing on a riverbank, hundreds of low-flying geese suddenly appeared out of the clouds, flying in formation and honking wildly as they came. I remarked casually to a Greek standing with me that they must have fine shooting in Macedonia.

“Men have been so busy shooting one another in this part of the world,” he answered sadly, “that they have had no time for the geese.”

So long as this state of mind continues, the prospects for economic reconstruction are dim. You cannot devote your full energies to repairing docks, building bridges and maintaining roads when you are likely to be shot in the back any moment. The greatest obstacle to the reconstruction of Greece is the continuance of the civil war. There can be no permanent solution of Greece’s economic future until the present military burden is reduced—until money and men are released for productive purposes. There can be no permanent solution of Greece’s psychological paralysis until the menace of external aggression is removed.

I am convinced that the Russians know this even better than we do. The Communists know that the revival of guerrilla warfare will put us badly on the spot in Greece—so they are working overtime to revive it. That is why, it seems to me, Russia’s U.N. delegate Andrei Gromyko vetoed the U.S. proposal to establish a semipermanent frontier commission in the Balkans. The plain fact appears to be that the U.S.S.R. does not want a pacification of frontier conditions in the Balkans. For such pacification will be an almost indispensable condition for American success in helping bring about Greek economic recovery.

This brings up the question of the Greek government. The present regime obviously must constitute the set of tools through which we work. We cannot kick off by naming a new team. Adoption of these means would contradict the ultimate ends we wish to accomplish in Greece and elsewhere; furthermore, blatant intervention of this kind would supply potent ammunition to Soviet propaganda about American imperialism. But we can—and must—do something to sharpen these tools.

Chief among these tools is the Greek civil service. The late King George of Greece, in my first talk with him, referred to many government employees as “camp followers” and “coffeehouse politicians” and described the whole civil service as a kind of pension system for political hacks. These were harsh words, but not unwarranted. The civil service is overexpanded, underpaid and demoralized. The low salaries have been augmented by a completely baffling system of extra allowances by which a few civil servants probably get as much as four times their base pay.

At the same time the bulk of them do not get a living wage. Many of them are forced to supplement their government pay by taking outside jobs. Imagine the effects in Washington if officials in government departments worked part time for local lawyers or lobbyists or industrialists. The curiously short working week— usually 33hours, consisting of mornings only ‘for 6 days a week—facilitates the economic double life which so many government workers lead.

The result is complete disorganization. I have never seen an administrative structure which, for sheer incompetence and ineffectiveness, was so appalling. The civil service simply cannot be relied upon to carry out the simplest functions of government— the collection of taxes, the enforcement of economic regulations, the repair of roads.

Thus the drastic reform of the civil service is an indispensable condition to getting anything else done in Greece. But the civil service is just the beginning. There is the far more intricate and explosive question of the political leadership of the country. Candor will compel me to make some frank statements about this government, but what would you have America do? Would you have prayed with Henry Wallace for the,defeat of the Greek aid bill so that you could exchange the present inefficient, right-wing regime for a police state on the Tito model?

I rather doubt it. Because whatever it is, the present Greek government is not a totalitarian dictatorship, and besides, it does not seem to me that the nature of the government is relevant to the question of external aggression. We can’t take the position that it is all right to commit acts of aggression against governments we do not like, and only bad to commit such acts against governments we approve.

There is within Greece a vigorous and critical political opposition. There is a free press. The Communist paper is published daily in Athens, and each morning in my mailbox I received an English translation of the mimeographed bulletin of the EAM bitterly denouncing the present regime. It is not at all a liberty-loving regime in the American sense, but it is paradise next to its neighbors of the north and their much vaunted “new democracy.” Obviously the existence of freedom of expression is no excuse for other governmental delinquencies. But it does signal the possibility of peaceful and democratic change.

On the other hand, the fact remains that this present government has not, on the record, shown any affirmative philosophy or any inclination to do the things necessary to end their nation’s travail. On my first day in Greece, I had a talk with General J. G. W. Clark, the intelligent and somewhat sardonic head of the British Economic Mission.

“When visitors on arriving in a new country,” he began by saying, “run into a sandstorm or a hurricane, they are always told how unusual the weather is. But the situation you are running into here in Athens-the monetary crisis, the possible civil service strike, the pending fall of the government—is the normal postwar political climate of Greece.

So far as I could see, the Greek government had no effective policy except to plead for foreign aid to keep itself in power, loudly citing Greece’s wartime sacrifices and its own king-size anti-Communism as reasons for granting the foreign aid in unlimited quantities. It intends, in my judgment, to use foreign aid as a way of perpetuating the privileges of a small banking and commercial clique which constitutes the invisible power in Greece.

The reaction to President Truman’s speech of March 12th, calling for aid to Greece, was characteristic. In January and February of 1946, desperation had produced a spate of good intentions and noble resolutions within the Greek government; but the instant effect of the assurance of American aid was not to stimulate the government to further efforts, but to give it the relaxed feeling that it was delivered from the necessity of having to do anything at all. So it declared a national holiday; there was dancing in the streets. And at the same time it shelved a plan for the immediate export of surplus olive oil—a plan which had stepped on the toes of some private traders.

Demetrios Maximos, the present Prime Minister, is a kindly, well-intentioned old man, with, I think, an earnest desire to help his suffering people. He is very small and frail, with a mustache and a goatee, carefully dressed and wearing old-fashioned button shoes. He speaks English with precision and is something of a scholar. But, though a man of good will, Maximos is a prisoner of the errors of his predecessors and of more forceful men in his own cabinet.

The Influential Tsaldaris

Pre-eminent among these is the Vice-Premier and Foreign Minister, Constantin Tsaldaris. A Greek politician of long standing, Tsaldaris has avowedly embraced the principles of a generous amnesty policy toward the guerrillas, has constantly urged the fullest participation by the United Nations in Greece’s border difficulties, and in general has been a persistent pleader abroad for the Greek cause. Yet his conduct of internal affairs when he was Prime Minister was not such as to advance Greek recovery significantly. His administration was characterized by the abandonment of measures of domestic economic policy which might have been of some real benefit to the masses of Greek people. But even Tsaldaris advocates another election in Greece when and if the border is stabilized. He professes to recognize that the Greek people are weary of the game of political musical chairs, where the same personalities merely shift their positions when a cabinet crisis develops. There have been seven changes in the Greek government since liberation, but Tsaldaris and his Populist (extreme right) cohorts remain dominant.

An even more controversial figure is General Napoleon Zervas, the Minister of Public Order. During the war Zervas ran a small “resistance” group around whose activities hangs the smell of Nazi collaboration. Today Zervas is foremost among those who want to exploit the present situation, not only to eliminate Communist-inspired aggression from across the borders, but apparently to rub out everyone in Greece who is critical of the present government. He is un­doubtedly the figure behind the recent wave of arrests which took in not just Communists, but, according to informed observers in Athens, anti-Communist liberals as well.

I was told in Washington recently by a well-informed Greek friendly to the present regime that these after-dark roundups of Zervas’ were not the repressive tactics of a police state, but only legitimate precautions of self-preservation. Of the 1,600 arrested in this last raid, more than 500 were subsequently released, he told me with great pride, because there was no basis for the charges against them.

Then, behind the government, is a small mercantile and banking cabal, headed by Pesmazoglu, governor of the National Bank of Greece and a shrewd and effective operator. This cabal is determined above all to protect its financial prerogatives, at whatever expense to the economic health of the country. Its members wish to retain a tax system rigged fantastically in their favor. They oppose exchange controls, because these might prevent them from salting away their profits in banks in Cairo or Argentina. They would never dream of investing these profits in their country’s recovery.

The shipping interests are in a particularly scandalous position. Today the Greek merchant marine is enjoying a boom, and the shipowners are raking in the profits. But the bankrupt Greek government is benefiting almost not at all from this prosperity. Seamen’s earnings continue to come into Greece, but owners’ profits for the most part are locked away elsewhere.

Any enterprise should be expected to pay a fair amount of taxes to the government under whose protection it operates —and particularly in this case, where the Greek shipowners are making most of their profits out o! Liberty ships sold to them by the U. S. Maritime Commission after the Greek government had guaranteed the mortgages. The yearly earnings of a Greek-owned Liberty ship will probably run between $200,000 and $250,000. Of this, only the ridiculously small amount of $8,000 goes to the government in taxes. Foreign experts have urged the government to raise the tax requirements to about $30,000. But the political strength of the shipowners has prevented any effective action.

It will be the job of our mission to get action out of this government. In then-efforts, the members of the mission can expect that the book will be thrown at them. They will receive every conceivable excuse and will be held up by every conceivable form of bureaucratic obstructionism and incompetence.. General Zervas will cry that the big thing is to fight the Coram unists by arresting every liberal, and the Communists will help him by spurring on the civil war.

And another, more insidious, form of pressure will be brought against the members of the mission. The social lobby—the smart international set, with its headquarters at Cannes, St. Moritz and the Kolonaki Square of Athens— will begin to operate. Many of them are charming people, speaking excellent English, who will be genuinely anxious to be of service to the American mission, but who, above all, will seek to convert the mission into another means of safeguarding their own prerogatives.

I still remember one ornate dinner when a leading banker entertained me in his luxurious Athens apartment. There were three liveried butlers, several magnificent wines, astoundingly good food. One guest during dinner became rhapsodical over the beauties of marine life and the high sport of spear-fishing under water with goggles. The contrast between the superb feast in the apartment and the starving children in the streets was simply too pat and cruel.

These are the obstacles which the American mission faces in Greece. Can we succeed in achieving our objectives?

Such a prophecy depends on how we measure success, and will require a great deal of elaboration of what really constitutes our objectives. We cannot evaluate progress in Greece by usual Western standards. There will be no quick or easy solution of the many social or economic maladjustments. My own brief experience in Greece convinces me that the American people will be greatly in the debt of Mr. Griswold and his colleagues if an atmosphere can be created and maintained wherein the Greek people have an opportunity in the near future for free political choices.

This raises the delicate problem of the intervention by one nation in the internal affairs of another. We have to face that question frankly. British officials freely admitted to me that the British Economic Mission served no useful purpose because its functions were merely advisory and it had no sanctions with which to enforce its recommendations. “Our fatal error,” said one official, “was to condone incompetence because of political considerations.” Yet obviously we cannot treat Greece as if it were a colonial possession or a conquered country.

My own answer to that question is provisional and pragmatic. I feel that the Greek state, in having requested assistance and supervision, is to that extent setting a limitation on its own sovereignty. If we are to make a heavy investment in Greek recovery, it is common sense to suppose that this implies the means to make the recovery effective. These actualities have been recognized by the Greek government and embodied in the Greek note of June 15th to the United States and the U.S.-Greek aid agreement of June 20th.

The note and the agreement spell out specific objectives of reform and reconstruction. It will be the legitimate business of the American mission to take all the steps necessary to secure compliance with the terms of the contract. To get down to cases, if a Greek minister resists or obstructs measures necessary for Greek recovery, or perverts American aid to antidemocratic purposes, I cannot believe that our mission would stand by impotent.

“The mission should make sure that the Greek people are kept fully informed of American aims and efforts and of the nature of the difficulties encountered,” one of the wisest of living Greeks said to me. “If the practice followed up to now is continued—that of shielding the incompetence and unwillingness to cooperate of Greek ministers behind a veil of secrecy—the mission may lose the initiative in Greece. The mission must establish direct contact with the Greek people from the very beginning and appeal to public opinion for active support. I see no other means of exerting pressure for necessary measures that are bound to be strongly resisted by the present Greek regime.”

The first step, of course, is to bring an end to the present internal warfare and to refute the Soviet propaganda line that the U.S. is financing a civil war in Greece. The best available means of doing this is to have a real amnesty. The Maximos cabinet was finally prevailed upon to adopt an amnesty program which looked plausible on paper; but, as a member of the Greek cabinet told me, the appointment of General Zervas as Minister of Public Order completely destroyed anyone’s inclination to take the programs seriously. The amnesty must have enough safeguards to bring out of the hills everyone who is not an outright Communist agent.

Then we must follow through on the program of economic reconstruction. The American mission will supervise closely the money spent for this.

Then, over a longer period, will come political democratization. A program of political reconstruction and reform cannot, in its nature, be put into effect overnight. It is dependent on the restoration of economic stability, and so must be a step-by-step process. Once the economic program begins to roll, we can do our best to foster and develop elements of the center and the non-Communist left.

There are democratic resources in Greece which have not yet been fully tapped. Damaskinos, the archbishop of Greece, a man with a massive, disinterested wisdom on political conditions, carries great moral force in all camps.

Sophoulis, the head of the Liberal party, though past the prime of his active political life, also has great moral stature in the country. Varvaressos, the Greek representative in the International Bank, is a man of conspicuous ability; and some of the younger politicians, like Kanellopoulos and the younger Venizelos, show promise.

These Elements Inspire Hope

There are forces of real democratic vitality in the country at large. The agricultural co-operative movement seemed to me an unusually robust and promising movement. The student movement has vigor; and, if Clinton Golden, formerly of the C.I.O. and now on Dwight Gris-wold’s staff, can free the trade-union movement from the grip, on the one hand, of government stooges, and, on the other, of Communists, that may well develop into a bulwark of democracy.

We are facing a situation unprecedented in our history,” and we will simply have to develop a new and American means of coping with it. The British formula in such eases was always collaboration with the native ruling classes —buying their support by confirming them in their power to exploit the masses, and relying upon them to hold the people down with gendarmery and whips.

This formula is not only repugnant to American traditions. It is also impractical. No system would deliver the Greek people more speedily into the arms of the Russians. We must work out a formula for starting from the bottom and working up—not starting from the top and working down.

Russia is standing patiently by, hoping to get into Greece by a base on bails. It is confident that Greek incompetence and Greek reaction, combined with American inexperience and American gullibility, will doom the efforts of the American mission. We will soon be so frustrated by inefficiency, vacillation and simple knavery, Russia hopes, that we will grow disgusted and indifferent and finally walk out. Then guess who will walk in!

I think Americans have enough resourcefulness and perseverance to lick the problem. If we are defeated in Greece, it will be a crushing moral and strategic blow to our new international-role solar plexus. But, if we can leave Greece in a state of economic and political health, we will have brought new hope and new faith to freedom-loving people everywhere in the world. / 29-9-2013



via Διαβάστε το: Και όμως από το 1947 δεν άλλαξε τίποτε στην Ελλάδα ! – Taxalia Blog – Θεσσαλονίκη

Jerzy Iwanow-Szajnowicz – Greek Polish war hero – from Wikipedia

Fleeing the German invasion of Greece in April 1941, he left the country for the Middle East, to join the exiled Polish forces there. There he was chosen by the Polish and British intelligence services for an undercover mission in Greece.[1][2] On 13 October 1941, the British submarine HMS Thunderbolt (N25) brought him to the coast of Attica near Nea Makri. His subsequent activity in the Greek underground was prodigious: apart from establishing an extensive intelligence network for the Allies reporting on the military and political situation in Greece, on the Greek war industry, now used by the Germans, and on ship and railway schedules, he engaged in numerous sabotage missions.[1][2] He was responsible for the sabotage of the German aircraft motor repair facilities in the Maltsiniotis plant, which is credited with affecting over 400 engines and causing the crash of several German aircraft due to engine malfunctions, as well as the destruction of two German U-boats, U-133 and U-372,[2] sabotaging the latter and forcing it to surface and be sunk by the RAF off Haifa.

via Jerzy Iwanow-Szajnowicz – Wikipedia

EUGENICS – Copenhagen zoo sparks outrage by killing healthy giraffe named Marius | World news | The Guardian

Copenhagen zoo sparks outrage by killing healthy giraffe named Marius
This article is more than 6 years old
Thousands signed petition to save Marius, who was put down to avoid inbreeding and then fed to lions

via Copenhagen zoo sparks outrage by killing healthy giraffe named Marius | World news | The Guardian

«Σάββα, παιδί μου, πέτα τον έξω»! – The Press Project – Ειδήσεις, Αναλύσεις, Ραδιόφωνο, Τηλεόραση

«… ο τότε πρεσβευτής των ΗΠΑ στην Αθήνα, Νίκολας Μπερνς, πραγματοποίησε συνάντηση με τον κ. Πάγκαλο, ο οποίος του τόνισε ότι η ελληνική πλευρά επιδιώκει μεν να απομακρύνει από τη χώρα τον Οτσαλάν, αλλά αυτό δεν κατέστη εφικτό μέχρι στιγμής. Τότε – κατά τη “Ραντικάλ” – ο Μπερνς πραγματοποίησε μια κρίσιμη επέμβαση: “Φροντίστε να αποστείλετε τον Οτσαλάν στην Κένυα και τα υπόλοιπα είναι δική μας υπόθεση”, φέρεται ειπείν στον Θ. Πάγκαλο…».

Αυτά έγραφε η «Ραντικάλ» και αναδημοσιεύτηκαν στον ελληνικό Τύπο. Και, βεβαίως, δεν είναι δική μας πρόθεση να τα υιοθετήσουμε. Είναι όμως υπόθεση του καθενός να αναρωτηθεί: Υπήρξε η ευθιξία από τους πρωταγωνιστές εκείνης της ντροπιαστικής υπόθεσης να καταρρίψουν τους ισχυρισμούς των λόγω δημοσιευμάτων;

via «Σάββα, παιδί μου, πέτα τον έξω»! – The Press Project – Ειδήσεις, Αναλύσεις, Ραδιόφωνο, Τηλεόραση


Το 2006 κυκλοφόρησε στις Μεταμεσονύκτιες Εκδόσεις το ημερολόγιο του απεσταλμένου του προέδρου Τρούμαν, Paul A. Porter, με τίτλο “Ζητείται: ένα θαύμα για την Ελλάδα”. Μέσω του ημερολογίου αυτού γνωρίσαμε τις σκέψεις ενός στελέχους της αμερικανικής διοίκησης καθώς αυτό εκτελούσε την αποστολή του, καθώς και τον περίγυρο της δράσης του, το 1947.
Οι “Επιτηρητές σε απόγνωση” συνεχίζουν αυτήν την ερευνητική αποστολή: να καταστήσουν το αναγνωστικό / ερευνητικό κοινό κοινωνό των σκέψεων, απόψεων και αντιλήψεων αμερικανών οικονομολόγων που επιτηρούσαν την ελληνική οικονομία από το 1947 ως το 1953. Οι επιτηρητές αυτοί επηρέασαν ή επιδίωξαν να επηρεάσουν την πορεία της ελληνικής οικονομίας. Αρχικά ήταν βέβαιοι ότι η αποστολή τους θα ήταν επιτυχημένη. Μετά τη λήξη του εμφυλίου, και ειδικά μετά την έναρξη της σύγκρουσης στην Κορέα ωστόσο, η αρχική σιγουριά, ότι η αμερικανική πολιτική θα είχε ήδη επιτύχει την απογείωση της ελληνικής οικονομίας προς μία μακροχρόνια αυτοδύναμη πορεία άρχισε να υποχωρεί. Η κριτική των συμβούλων-επιτηρητών προς το ελληνικό πολιτικό σύστημα από συγκαλυμμένη και ήπια, μεταβλήθηκε σε ανοικτή και αυστηρή. Εκεί όπου υπήρχε αίσθημα ανωτερότητας και βεβαιότητα για το αποτέλεσμα, άρχισε να εμφιλοχωρεί η απόγνωση και η παραίτηση. Τα κείμενα των αμερικανών επιτηρητών που παρουσιάζονται εδώ, σίγουρα επιδέχονται πολλαπλές αναγνώσεις και θα διαβαστούν από πολλές και διαφορετικές οπτικές. Ανασυγκροτούν εκ των κάτω την πραγματικότητα στην ελληνική οικονομία της εποχής, και δίνουν την ευκαιρία για αναθεωρήσεις, επισημάνσεις και συζητήσεις. Δίνουν επίσης την ευκαιρία αναστοχασμού σχετικά με σημερινές καταστάσεις και διαχρονικές σταθερές στην ελληνική πολιτική ζωή. (Από την παρουσίαση στο οπισθόφυλλο του βιβλίου)


The Coming Avocado Politics | The Breakthrough Institute

Grant was most famous in his own day, however, for his book The Passing of the Great Race: Or, The Racial Basis of European History (1916). Arguably the most influential eugenicist tract ever penned, Grant’s book reasoned that the growing number of Southern and Eastern European immigrants in the United States meant that the “Nordic stock” of American Protestants was at risk of being outbred and “replaced” — a term that continues to be echoed in our contemporary far right’s fears of “white genocide” and their slogan, “You will not replace us.”[16]For Grant, the immigrant situation was nothing less than a “world crisis”: he argued that a failure to stem the immigrant tide would spell nothing less than “race suicide” for the Nordics.[17]Grant chaired the Sub-Committee on Selective Immigration of the Eugenics Committee of the US, whose findings were instrumental in the passage of the Johnson–Reed Immigration Act of 1924, which set immigration quotas based on national origins in proportion to the ethnic mix documented in the 1890 Census. Grant also was instrumental in the implementation of several anti-miscegenation laws, including Virginia’s notorious Racial Integrity Act of 1924, which codified a particularly extreme form of the pseudo-scientific “one drop rule” of race and would lead to thousands of involuntary sterilizations

via The Coming Avocado Politics | The Breakthrough Institute

Tory MP’s Private Company in Charge of Election votes and counts

Tory MP Peter Lilley’s company IDOX was given contracts across Scotland by SNP and Labour councils to quietly privatise the entire electoral process and control of postal votes and election counts across Scotland.

The contracts were awarded to ensure private control of all Scottish elections for the three year period covering the EU election, the general election, the EU referendum and the Scottish Elections which allow IDOX to control, open, count and put forward “postal” ballot papers to be put into ballot boxes right up to the 10pm deadline.

By May 2013 IDOX boasted they already had control of elections and voter registration and votes for 13 million people across the UK in the privatisation of all elections that most voters in the UK are completely unaware of.

Does this mean it is possible for postal votes to be binned (if private operators don’t agree with the vote provided) and replaced using signatures they store electronically and can ballot papers be made up in peoples’ names right up to the 10pm deadline using the information held in the IDOX database -based on lists that tell you who did not vote in previous elections and election voting history held by IDOX for what appears to be moving fast for all of the UK?

Is this why leader of the Scottish Tory party, Ruth Davidson, declared she knew the postal vote results before the election count started?

In May 2015 an article “IDOX Elections Delivering Modern Democracy” said “Despite concerns over abuse of the system and fraud, the Electoral Commission maintains that there is no evidence of widespread and systematic abuse, and that it would not be ‘proportionate’ to scrap postal voting”


via Tory MP’s Private Company in Charge of Election votes and counts

German occupation of Norway – Wikipedia

Even before the war ended, there was debate among Norwegians about the fate of traitors and collaborators. A few favored a “night of long knives” with extrajudicial killings of known offenders. However, cooler minds prevailed, and much effort was put into assuring due process trials of accused traitors. In the end, 37 people were executed by Norwegian authorities: 25 Norwegians on the grounds of treason, and 12 Germans on the grounds of crimes against humanity. 28,750 were arrested, though most were released for lack of evidence. In the end, 20,000 Norwegians and a smaller number of Germans were given prison sentences. 77 Norwegians and 18 Germans received life sentences. A number of people were sentenced to pay heavy fines.

The trials have been subject to some criticism in later years. It has been pointed out that sentences became more lenient with the passage of time, and that many of the charges were based on the unconstitutional[10] and illegal retroactive application of laws.

German prisoners of war

After the war the Norwegian government forced German prisoners of war to clear minefields. When the clearing ended in September 1946, 392 of them had been injured and 275 had been killed, meanwhile only two Norwegians and four British mine-clearers had sustained any injuries.[11] Many of the Germans were killed through their guards’ habit of chasing them criss-cross over a cleared field to ensure that no mines remained

via German occupation of Norway – Wikipedia

Svetozar Vukmanović – Tempo

a leading Montenegrin communist and member of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. During World War II he served on the Supreme Staff, went on missions to Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania, and became Josip Broz Tito‘s personal representative in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia.

book: How and Why the People’s Liberation Struggle of Greece Met with Defeat

Before his death in 2000, Tempo was very motivated to find out who gave the order to have those 18,000 people executed. He came upon shocking findings – the order was given by some of his closest comrades”.

Earlier, in late 2004, Čedomir Vukmanović said Tempo came upon indisputable proof shortly before his death in 2000, that the orders for mass execution without trial came from the very top of Communist Party of Yugoslavia: “Precisely at that time in May 1945, Edvard Kardelj and Aleksandar Ranković were in Ljubljana. They called Tito and Milovan Đilas, and after short deliberation decision was made to kill everyone except for boys under 18.”

via Svetozar Vukmanović – Wikipedia

When We Loved Mussolini | by Adam Tooze | The New York Review of Books

The United States and Fascist Italy: The Rise of American Finance in Europe

by Gian Giacomo Migone, translated from the Italian and with a preface by Molly Tambor
Cambridge University Press,

Antifascism was the founding myth of the Italian republic after 1945.

via When We Loved Mussolini | by Adam Tooze | The New York Review of Books

Did Winston Churchill really praise Benito Mussolini? – Quora

Yes and quite effusively. He said “ I could not help being charmed, like so many other people have been, by his gentle and simple bearing and by his calm, detached poise in spite of so many burdens.” Churchill went on to say if he had been Italian he would have supported Mussolini.

However like most apparently damning statements, you have to understand the context. The occasion was a joint January 1927 press conference in Rome, given by both Churchill and Mussolini. Churchill at the time was Chancelor of the Exchequer – Britain’s Finance Chief. He had just finalised negotiations under which the Italians agreed to pay £592 million (worth $40 billion in today’s money) in disputed war debt, with payments to start in 1930 and continue to 1988.

via Did Winston Churchill really praise Benito Mussolini? – Quora

20 Jan 1927 – MUSSOLINI AND CHURCHILL. – Trove

A Friendly Interview.
Rome, Jan. 13.
The Chancellor of the-Exchequer (Mr.
Winston Churchill) has arrived on a pri-
vate visit. He had an hour’s interview
with Signor Mussolini, the last half of
which was private. The British Ambas-
sador had previously been present. It
is understood that the conversation was
most friendly. Signor Mussolini accom-
panied Mr. Churchill to the doorway and
warmly shook hands with him.
The newspapers emphasise that while
the interview has no political signifi-
cance, it shows the cordiality of Anglo-
Italian relations.

via 20 Jan 1927 – MUSSOLINI AND CHURCHILL. – Trove


With all opposition to the Fascist regime brutally silenced, King Victor Emmanuel III ordered Mussolini to sign a Concordat with the Vatican.
Pope Pius X I.
Pope Pius X I.
Pope from 1922 to 1939.

In February 1929, Mussolini signed the Lateran Accords on behalf of the king.

The Accords gave the Pope 110 acres (0.44 square km) which became known as Vatican City State.

Italy now had 3 rulers: Pope Pius XI, Victor Emmanuel III, and Mussolini.

Mussolini signing the Lateran Accords
Mussolini signing the Lateran Accords
on behalf of the king.

From that time onward, Italy was a triumvirate with 3 rulers: the Pope-king, the king of Italy, and Mussolini. Any creature with 2 head is a monster but this new regime was a cyclops. Immediately after signing the Accords, Mussolini was honored with the flattering title: Knight of the Holy Sepulchre:


Winston Churchill ‘ordered assassination of Mussolini to protect compromising letters’ – Telegraph

Winston Churchill ‘ordered assassination of Mussolini to protect compromising letters’
Winston Churchill ordered the assassination of Benito Mussolini as part of a plot to destroy potentially compromising secret letters he had sent the Italian dictator, a leading French historian has suggested.

via Winston Churchill ‘ordered assassination of Mussolini to protect compromising letters’ – Telegraph

Όταν ο Τσώρτσιλ εξυμνούσε τον Μουσολίνι

Η Ιταλία έδειξε ότι υπάρχει ένας τρόπος να παλέψεις τις ανατρεπτικές δυνάμεις, ένας τρόπος που μπορεί να κινητοποιήσει την πλειοψηφία του κόσμου, η οποία κατάλληλα καθοδηγούμενη, μπορεί να εκτιμήσει και να θελήσει να υπερασπίσει την τιμή και τη σταθερότητα των πολιτισμένων κοινωνιών. Η Ιταλία παρείχε το απαραίτητο αντίδοτο στο ρώσικο δηλητήριο. Από δω και στο εξής, κανένα μεγάλο έθνος δεν θα μείνει χωρίς το έσχατο μέσο προστασίας απέναντι στην ανάπτυξη καρκινωμάτων… Αν ήμουν Ιταλός θα ήμουν με όλη την καρδιά μαζί σας, από την αρχή μέχρι το τέλος, στη θριαμβευτική σας μάχη ενάντια στις βάρβαρες ορέξεις και τα πάθη του Λενινισμού»

via Όταν ο Τσώρτσιλ εξυμνούσε τον Μουσολίνι