Category Archives: USA – United States of America

Eκθεση της αμερικανικής αποστολής (έκθεση Πόρτερ) – Και όμως από το 1947 δεν άλλαξε τίποτε στην Ελλάδα !

TODAY an almost forgotten American mission has got to perform a miracle—or fail in its job. The miracle is to save Greece from economic disintegration and the inroads of Communism.

The fight to save Greece is just beginning. The announcement of plans is not enough. What will go on in Greece this month and next is infinitely more important than are the debates which commanded the headlines last March and April.

OPA Administrator Paul A. Porter speaking at a news conference.
Courtesy of the Harry Truman Library and Museum

Last January, I went to Greece as head of a mission charged with reporting on the economic situation and with determining what outside assistance would be necessary for the survival of the Greek nation. I know at firsthand the complicated and discouraging conditions which today are confronting Dwight Griswold and the American Mission for Aid to Greece. And I feel strongly that the American people should know precisely what these conditions are.

During a trip through the lovely Greek countryside, a peasant I talked with typified the Greek national psychosis. He was a weary and discouraged man, prematurely old, his face lined and wrinkled, his hands upturned in a gesture of mute despair.

“Four times in my lifetime my home has been destroyed,” he said, “—by the Turks, the Bulgars, the Nazis and the guerrillas. Why should I build it up again?”

This hopelessness is typical. The whole country, from top to bottom, is in the grip of a gray, unrelieved, profound lack of faith in the future–a lack of faith which produces simple inertia for the present. From the large textile manufacturers in Athens to the small shopkeepers and farmers in the northernmost part of Macedonia, people are paralyzed by uncertainty and fear.

Businessmen will not invest. Storekeepers will not lay in supplies. Peasants will not repair their ruined houses. One official told me that 150,-000 homes had been totally destroyed in Greece and that only 1,300 had been rebuilt in 1946.

“All that the U.S. mission to Greece has to do is end a civil war, eliminate corruption in government ranks, rebuild the economy of a nation and revive hope in a people sunk in despair. There’s a chance they’ll do it”

My most depressing experience in Greece was a visit to Kalavryta, the Lidice of Greece. This was the village high up a narrow gorge near the Gulf of Corinth where, in December, 1943, a small band of Greek resistance forces ambushed a squadron of Nazi occupation troops. The German reprisal was an unbelievable act of horror and brutality. The 1,200 men of the village were herded into an open field, where from the vantage point of higher ground, they were forced to watch their homes and shops burned from the incendiary volleys fired simultaneously into each structure. When the conflagration reached its height and the Greeks sought to break away from their Nazi guards, machine guns from concealed emplacements massacred the helpless lot of them.

Meantime, the women, old men and children were concentrated in the largest building—a school. It was the last to be ignited. Legend has it that the screams of the women and children were too much for an Austrian officer and he shot the lock off the door. Liberated from the blazing school, the survivors fled to the hills and returned later that night to recover the bodies of their men on the hillside, and buried them in the village cemetery.

The despair in Greece today is crucial, because our whole program of aid is based on the assumption that the people will be able to snap out of the prevailing inertia. We are not stepping up the amount of outside assistance enough to make the future much different from the past. During 1946, Greece got about S330,000,-000 from UNRRA and the British; our aid of $350,000,000 barely exceeds this. And, at the same time, we are banking on the ability of the Greeks to more than double their exports. So, far from having too liberal an amount of money for use in Greece, we are operating on an exceedingly narrow margin. Indeed it may soon become apparent that estimates of $350,000,000 which my group made are too conservative, and that additional funds may be necessary. Mr. Griswold will find that conditions have rapidly worsened since the first mission went out last January. There has since been a widespread drought which has. substantially reduced local grain production. The military activity has been stepped up. And our own price level has risen to shade the value of the dollars Congress has made available. The $350,000,000 loan will not go as far as we had hoped and planned. At best, we will get up to the minimum reconstruction level. At worst, we may have trouble maintaining a level of decent subsistence.

If the American mission is to end this deep sense of national hopelessness, it must resolve two controversial situations—the civil war and the present government.

One winter day in Macedonia, as I was standing on a riverbank, hundreds of low-flying geese suddenly appeared out of the clouds, flying in formation and honking wildly as they came. I remarked casually to a Greek standing with me that they must have fine shooting in Macedonia.

“Men have been so busy shooting one another in this part of the world,” he answered sadly, “that they have had no time for the geese.”

So long as this state of mind continues, the prospects for economic reconstruction are dim. You cannot devote your full energies to repairing docks, building bridges and maintaining roads when you are likely to be shot in the back any moment. The greatest obstacle to the reconstruction of Greece is the continuance of the civil war. There can be no permanent solution of Greece’s economic future until the present military burden is reduced—until money and men are released for productive purposes. There can be no permanent solution of Greece’s psychological paralysis until the menace of external aggression is removed.

I am convinced that the Russians know this even better than we do. The Communists know that the revival of guerrilla warfare will put us badly on the spot in Greece—so they are working overtime to revive it. That is why, it seems to me, Russia’s U.N. delegate Andrei Gromyko vetoed the U.S. proposal to establish a semipermanent frontier commission in the Balkans. The plain fact appears to be that the U.S.S.R. does not want a pacification of frontier conditions in the Balkans. For such pacification will be an almost indispensable condition for American success in helping bring about Greek economic recovery.

This brings up the question of the Greek government. The present regime obviously must constitute the set of tools through which we work. We cannot kick off by naming a new team. Adoption of these means would contradict the ultimate ends we wish to accomplish in Greece and elsewhere; furthermore, blatant intervention of this kind would supply potent ammunition to Soviet propaganda about American imperialism. But we can—and must—do something to sharpen these tools.

Chief among these tools is the Greek civil service. The late King George of Greece, in my first talk with him, referred to many government employees as “camp followers” and “coffeehouse politicians” and described the whole civil service as a kind of pension system for political hacks. These were harsh words, but not unwarranted. The civil service is overexpanded, underpaid and demoralized. The low salaries have been augmented by a completely baffling system of extra allowances by which a few civil servants probably get as much as four times their base pay.

At the same time the bulk of them do not get a living wage. Many of them are forced to supplement their government pay by taking outside jobs. Imagine the effects in Washington if officials in government departments worked part time for local lawyers or lobbyists or industrialists. The curiously short working week— usually 33hours, consisting of mornings only ‘for 6 days a week—facilitates the economic double life which so many government workers lead.

The result is complete disorganization. I have never seen an administrative structure which, for sheer incompetence and ineffectiveness, was so appalling. The civil service simply cannot be relied upon to carry out the simplest functions of government— the collection of taxes, the enforcement of economic regulations, the repair of roads.

Thus the drastic reform of the civil service is an indispensable condition to getting anything else done in Greece. But the civil service is just the beginning. There is the far more intricate and explosive question of the political leadership of the country. Candor will compel me to make some frank statements about this government, but what would you have America do? Would you have prayed with Henry Wallace for the,defeat of the Greek aid bill so that you could exchange the present inefficient, right-wing regime for a police state on the Tito model?

I rather doubt it. Because whatever it is, the present Greek government is not a totalitarian dictatorship, and besides, it does not seem to me that the nature of the government is relevant to the question of external aggression. We can’t take the position that it is all right to commit acts of aggression against governments we do not like, and only bad to commit such acts against governments we approve.

There is within Greece a vigorous and critical political opposition. There is a free press. The Communist paper is published daily in Athens, and each morning in my mailbox I received an English translation of the mimeographed bulletin of the EAM bitterly denouncing the present regime. It is not at all a liberty-loving regime in the American sense, but it is paradise next to its neighbors of the north and their much vaunted “new democracy.” Obviously the existence of freedom of expression is no excuse for other governmental delinquencies. But it does signal the possibility of peaceful and democratic change.

On the other hand, the fact remains that this present government has not, on the record, shown any affirmative philosophy or any inclination to do the things necessary to end their nation’s travail. On my first day in Greece, I had a talk with General J. G. W. Clark, the intelligent and somewhat sardonic head of the British Economic Mission.

“When visitors on arriving in a new country,” he began by saying, “run into a sandstorm or a hurricane, they are always told how unusual the weather is. But the situation you are running into here in Athens-the monetary crisis, the possible civil service strike, the pending fall of the government—is the normal postwar political climate of Greece.

So far as I could see, the Greek government had no effective policy except to plead for foreign aid to keep itself in power, loudly citing Greece’s wartime sacrifices and its own king-size anti-Communism as reasons for granting the foreign aid in unlimited quantities. It intends, in my judgment, to use foreign aid as a way of perpetuating the privileges of a small banking and commercial clique which constitutes the invisible power in Greece.

The reaction to President Truman’s speech of March 12th, calling for aid to Greece, was characteristic. In January and February of 1946, desperation had produced a spate of good intentions and noble resolutions within the Greek government; but the instant effect of the assurance of American aid was not to stimulate the government to further efforts, but to give it the relaxed feeling that it was delivered from the necessity of having to do anything at all. So it declared a national holiday; there was dancing in the streets. And at the same time it shelved a plan for the immediate export of surplus olive oil—a plan which had stepped on the toes of some private traders.

Demetrios Maximos, the present Prime Minister, is a kindly, well-intentioned old man, with, I think, an earnest desire to help his suffering people. He is very small and frail, with a mustache and a goatee, carefully dressed and wearing old-fashioned button shoes. He speaks English with precision and is something of a scholar. But, though a man of good will, Maximos is a prisoner of the errors of his predecessors and of more forceful men in his own cabinet.

The Influential Tsaldaris

Pre-eminent among these is the Vice-Premier and Foreign Minister, Constantin Tsaldaris. A Greek politician of long standing, Tsaldaris has avowedly embraced the principles of a generous amnesty policy toward the guerrillas, has constantly urged the fullest participation by the United Nations in Greece’s border difficulties, and in general has been a persistent pleader abroad for the Greek cause. Yet his conduct of internal affairs when he was Prime Minister was not such as to advance Greek recovery significantly. His administration was characterized by the abandonment of measures of domestic economic policy which might have been of some real benefit to the masses of Greek people. But even Tsaldaris advocates another election in Greece when and if the border is stabilized. He professes to recognize that the Greek people are weary of the game of political musical chairs, where the same personalities merely shift their positions when a cabinet crisis develops. There have been seven changes in the Greek government since liberation, but Tsaldaris and his Populist (extreme right) cohorts remain dominant.

An even more controversial figure is General Napoleon Zervas, the Minister of Public Order. During the war Zervas ran a small “resistance” group around whose activities hangs the smell of Nazi collaboration. Today Zervas is foremost among those who want to exploit the present situation, not only to eliminate Communist-inspired aggression from across the borders, but apparently to rub out everyone in Greece who is critical of the present government. He is un­doubtedly the figure behind the recent wave of arrests which took in not just Communists, but, according to informed observers in Athens, anti-Communist liberals as well.

I was told in Washington recently by a well-informed Greek friendly to the present regime that these after-dark roundups of Zervas’ were not the repressive tactics of a police state, but only legitimate precautions of self-preservation. Of the 1,600 arrested in this last raid, more than 500 were subsequently released, he told me with great pride, because there was no basis for the charges against them.

Then, behind the government, is a small mercantile and banking cabal, headed by Pesmazoglu, governor of the National Bank of Greece and a shrewd and effective operator. This cabal is determined above all to protect its financial prerogatives, at whatever expense to the economic health of the country. Its members wish to retain a tax system rigged fantastically in their favor. They oppose exchange controls, because these might prevent them from salting away their profits in banks in Cairo or Argentina. They would never dream of investing these profits in their country’s recovery.

The shipping interests are in a particularly scandalous position. Today the Greek merchant marine is enjoying a boom, and the shipowners are raking in the profits. But the bankrupt Greek government is benefiting almost not at all from this prosperity. Seamen’s earnings continue to come into Greece, but owners’ profits for the most part are locked away elsewhere.

Any enterprise should be expected to pay a fair amount of taxes to the government under whose protection it operates —and particularly in this case, where the Greek shipowners are making most of their profits out o! Liberty ships sold to them by the U. S. Maritime Commission after the Greek government had guaranteed the mortgages. The yearly earnings of a Greek-owned Liberty ship will probably run between $200,000 and $250,000. Of this, only the ridiculously small amount of $8,000 goes to the government in taxes. Foreign experts have urged the government to raise the tax requirements to about $30,000. But the political strength of the shipowners has prevented any effective action.

It will be the job of our mission to get action out of this government. In then-efforts, the members of the mission can expect that the book will be thrown at them. They will receive every conceivable excuse and will be held up by every conceivable form of bureaucratic obstructionism and incompetence.. General Zervas will cry that the big thing is to fight the Coram unists by arresting every liberal, and the Communists will help him by spurring on the civil war.

And another, more insidious, form of pressure will be brought against the members of the mission. The social lobby—the smart international set, with its headquarters at Cannes, St. Moritz and the Kolonaki Square of Athens— will begin to operate. Many of them are charming people, speaking excellent English, who will be genuinely anxious to be of service to the American mission, but who, above all, will seek to convert the mission into another means of safeguarding their own prerogatives.

I still remember one ornate dinner when a leading banker entertained me in his luxurious Athens apartment. There were three liveried butlers, several magnificent wines, astoundingly good food. One guest during dinner became rhapsodical over the beauties of marine life and the high sport of spear-fishing under water with goggles. The contrast between the superb feast in the apartment and the starving children in the streets was simply too pat and cruel.

These are the obstacles which the American mission faces in Greece. Can we succeed in achieving our objectives?

Such a prophecy depends on how we measure success, and will require a great deal of elaboration of what really constitutes our objectives. We cannot evaluate progress in Greece by usual Western standards. There will be no quick or easy solution of the many social or economic maladjustments. My own brief experience in Greece convinces me that the American people will be greatly in the debt of Mr. Griswold and his colleagues if an atmosphere can be created and maintained wherein the Greek people have an opportunity in the near future for free political choices.

This raises the delicate problem of the intervention by one nation in the internal affairs of another. We have to face that question frankly. British officials freely admitted to me that the British Economic Mission served no useful purpose because its functions were merely advisory and it had no sanctions with which to enforce its recommendations. “Our fatal error,” said one official, “was to condone incompetence because of political considerations.” Yet obviously we cannot treat Greece as if it were a colonial possession or a conquered country.

My own answer to that question is provisional and pragmatic. I feel that the Greek state, in having requested assistance and supervision, is to that extent setting a limitation on its own sovereignty. If we are to make a heavy investment in Greek recovery, it is common sense to suppose that this implies the means to make the recovery effective. These actualities have been recognized by the Greek government and embodied in the Greek note of June 15th to the United States and the U.S.-Greek aid agreement of June 20th.

The note and the agreement spell out specific objectives of reform and reconstruction. It will be the legitimate business of the American mission to take all the steps necessary to secure compliance with the terms of the contract. To get down to cases, if a Greek minister resists or obstructs measures necessary for Greek recovery, or perverts American aid to antidemocratic purposes, I cannot believe that our mission would stand by impotent.

“The mission should make sure that the Greek people are kept fully informed of American aims and efforts and of the nature of the difficulties encountered,” one of the wisest of living Greeks said to me. “If the practice followed up to now is continued—that of shielding the incompetence and unwillingness to cooperate of Greek ministers behind a veil of secrecy—the mission may lose the initiative in Greece. The mission must establish direct contact with the Greek people from the very beginning and appeal to public opinion for active support. I see no other means of exerting pressure for necessary measures that are bound to be strongly resisted by the present Greek regime.”

The first step, of course, is to bring an end to the present internal warfare and to refute the Soviet propaganda line that the U.S. is financing a civil war in Greece. The best available means of doing this is to have a real amnesty. The Maximos cabinet was finally prevailed upon to adopt an amnesty program which looked plausible on paper; but, as a member of the Greek cabinet told me, the appointment of General Zervas as Minister of Public Order completely destroyed anyone’s inclination to take the programs seriously. The amnesty must have enough safeguards to bring out of the hills everyone who is not an outright Communist agent.

Then we must follow through on the program of economic reconstruction. The American mission will supervise closely the money spent for this.

Then, over a longer period, will come political democratization. A program of political reconstruction and reform cannot, in its nature, be put into effect overnight. It is dependent on the restoration of economic stability, and so must be a step-by-step process. Once the economic program begins to roll, we can do our best to foster and develop elements of the center and the non-Communist left.

There are democratic resources in Greece which have not yet been fully tapped. Damaskinos, the archbishop of Greece, a man with a massive, disinterested wisdom on political conditions, carries great moral force in all camps.

Sophoulis, the head of the Liberal party, though past the prime of his active political life, also has great moral stature in the country. Varvaressos, the Greek representative in the International Bank, is a man of conspicuous ability; and some of the younger politicians, like Kanellopoulos and the younger Venizelos, show promise.

These Elements Inspire Hope

There are forces of real democratic vitality in the country at large. The agricultural co-operative movement seemed to me an unusually robust and promising movement. The student movement has vigor; and, if Clinton Golden, formerly of the C.I.O. and now on Dwight Gris-wold’s staff, can free the trade-union movement from the grip, on the one hand, of government stooges, and, on the other, of Communists, that may well develop into a bulwark of democracy.

We are facing a situation unprecedented in our history,” and we will simply have to develop a new and American means of coping with it. The British formula in such eases was always collaboration with the native ruling classes —buying their support by confirming them in their power to exploit the masses, and relying upon them to hold the people down with gendarmery and whips.

This formula is not only repugnant to American traditions. It is also impractical. No system would deliver the Greek people more speedily into the arms of the Russians. We must work out a formula for starting from the bottom and working up—not starting from the top and working down.

Russia is standing patiently by, hoping to get into Greece by a base on bails. It is confident that Greek incompetence and Greek reaction, combined with American inexperience and American gullibility, will doom the efforts of the American mission. We will soon be so frustrated by inefficiency, vacillation and simple knavery, Russia hopes, that we will grow disgusted and indifferent and finally walk out. Then guess who will walk in!

I think Americans have enough resourcefulness and perseverance to lick the problem. If we are defeated in Greece, it will be a crushing moral and strategic blow to our new international-role solar plexus. But, if we can leave Greece in a state of economic and political health, we will have brought new hope and new faith to freedom-loving people everywhere in the world.

taxalia.blogspot.gr / 29-9-2013

 

 

via Διαβάστε το: Και όμως από το 1947 δεν άλλαξε τίποτε στην Ελλάδα ! – Taxalia Blog – Θεσσαλονίκη

ΕΠΙΤΗΡΗΤΕΣ ΣΕ ΑΠΟΓΝΩΣΗ / ΨΑΛΙΔΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΜΙΧΑΛΗΣ

Το 2006 κυκλοφόρησε στις Μεταμεσονύκτιες Εκδόσεις το ημερολόγιο του απεσταλμένου του προέδρου Τρούμαν, Paul A. Porter, με τίτλο “Ζητείται: ένα θαύμα για την Ελλάδα”. Μέσω του ημερολογίου αυτού γνωρίσαμε τις σκέψεις ενός στελέχους της αμερικανικής διοίκησης καθώς αυτό εκτελούσε την αποστολή του, καθώς και τον περίγυρο της δράσης του, το 1947.
Οι “Επιτηρητές σε απόγνωση” συνεχίζουν αυτήν την ερευνητική αποστολή: να καταστήσουν το αναγνωστικό / ερευνητικό κοινό κοινωνό των σκέψεων, απόψεων και αντιλήψεων αμερικανών οικονομολόγων που επιτηρούσαν την ελληνική οικονομία από το 1947 ως το 1953. Οι επιτηρητές αυτοί επηρέασαν ή επιδίωξαν να επηρεάσουν την πορεία της ελληνικής οικονομίας. Αρχικά ήταν βέβαιοι ότι η αποστολή τους θα ήταν επιτυχημένη. Μετά τη λήξη του εμφυλίου, και ειδικά μετά την έναρξη της σύγκρουσης στην Κορέα ωστόσο, η αρχική σιγουριά, ότι η αμερικανική πολιτική θα είχε ήδη επιτύχει την απογείωση της ελληνικής οικονομίας προς μία μακροχρόνια αυτοδύναμη πορεία άρχισε να υποχωρεί. Η κριτική των συμβούλων-επιτηρητών προς το ελληνικό πολιτικό σύστημα από συγκαλυμμένη και ήπια, μεταβλήθηκε σε ανοικτή και αυστηρή. Εκεί όπου υπήρχε αίσθημα ανωτερότητας και βεβαιότητα για το αποτέλεσμα, άρχισε να εμφιλοχωρεί η απόγνωση και η παραίτηση. Τα κείμενα των αμερικανών επιτηρητών που παρουσιάζονται εδώ, σίγουρα επιδέχονται πολλαπλές αναγνώσεις και θα διαβαστούν από πολλές και διαφορετικές οπτικές. Ανασυγκροτούν εκ των κάτω την πραγματικότητα στην ελληνική οικονομία της εποχής, και δίνουν την ευκαιρία για αναθεωρήσεις, επισημάνσεις και συζητήσεις. Δίνουν επίσης την ευκαιρία αναστοχασμού σχετικά με σημερινές καταστάσεις και διαχρονικές σταθερές στην ελληνική πολιτική ζωή. (Από την παρουσίαση στο οπισθόφυλλο του βιβλίου)

via ΕΠΙΤΗΡΗΤΕΣ ΣΕ ΑΠΟΓΝΩΣΗ / ΨΑΛΙΔΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ ΜΙΧΑΛΗΣ

BRITISH SECRET SERVICE AGENT BENITO MUSSOLINI!!

With all opposition to the Fascist regime brutally silenced, King Victor Emmanuel III ordered Mussolini to sign a Concordat with the Vatican.
Pope Pius X I.
Pope Pius X I.
Pope from 1922 to 1939.

In February 1929, Mussolini signed the Lateran Accords on behalf of the king.

The Accords gave the Pope 110 acres (0.44 square km) which became known as Vatican City State.

Italy now had 3 rulers: Pope Pius XI, Victor Emmanuel III, and Mussolini.

Mussolini signing the Lateran Accords
Mussolini signing the Lateran Accords
on behalf of the king.

From that time onward, Italy was a triumvirate with 3 rulers: the Pope-king, the king of Italy, and Mussolini. Any creature with 2 head is a monster but this new regime was a cyclops. Immediately after signing the Accords, Mussolini was honored with the flattering title: Knight of the Holy Sepulchre:

via BRITISH SECRET SERVICE AGENT BENITO MUSSOLINI!!

Karl Wolff – Wikipedia

In 1945, Wolff under Operation Sunrise took over command and management of intermediaries including Swiss-national Max Waibel, in order to make contact in Switzerland with the headquarters of the U.S. Office of Strategic Services, under Allen W. Dulles as to surrendering the German forces in and around Italy.[25] After initially meeting with Dulles in Lucerne on 8 March 1945, Wolff negotiated the surrender of all German forces in Italy, ending the war there on 29 April, before the war ended in Germany on 2 May 1945

via Karl Wolff – Wikipedia

The OSS and Italian Partisans in World War II Intelligence and Operational Support for the Anti-Nazi Resistance Peter Tompkins

Two of Moscatelli’s brigades set off for Milan, but they encountered strongly armored German forces trying to retreat to the border. By the afternoon of 25 April, they had managed to defeat these German forces, but they still were far from Milan just as Mussolini, outraged at being abandoned by the Germans, secretly headed for escape across the Swiss frontier.

Playing his last card, Mussolini attached himself, along with his girlfriend, Claretta Petacci, to a strong German convoy of 30 SS trucks protected by armored cars heading for the Brenner Pass. Trapped by a Moscatelli roadblock near the lakeside town of Dongo, Mussolini was discovered and executed with his girlfriend on unanimous orders from the partisan high command.

via

Αποκαλυπτικές εικόνες από το ντοκιμαντέρ «βόμβα» για τη Novartis

Όταν ξέσπασε η κρίση το 2010, διηγείται το ντοκιμαντέρ, η τρόικα απαγόρευσε την εισαγωγή νέων φαρμάκων στην ελληνική αγορά και η κυβέρνηση σταμάτησε να πληρώνει τα χρέη της προς τις φαρμακευτικές εταιρείες. Προς τη Novartis είχε χρέος 140 εκατομμύρια € ενώ 10 καινούργια φάρμακα περίμεναν έγκριση. Τότε η Novartis λάνσαρε το «Project Harvard». με αποτέλεσμα τα φάρμακα να εγκριθούν μέσα και σε λίγους μήνες ενώ πληρώθηκε και το χρέος προς την εταιρεία. «Ένα κομμάτι των χρημάτων της δωροδοκίας ερχόταν κατευθείαν από την Βασιλεία (την έδρα της εταιρείας στην Ελβετία)» λέει ένας μάρτυρας, αφήνοντας να εννοηθεί ότι το υπόλοιπο ποσό αντλήθηκε από άλλες παράνομες πρακτικές μέσα στην Ελλάδα.

via Αποκαλυπτικές εικόνες από το ντοκιμαντέρ «βόμβα» για τη Novartis

Βόμβα της Γιάννας Παπαδάκου για Novartis: Βρέθηκε ο λογαριασμός με μαύρο χρήμα υπουργού – YouTube

Αρκετά εξαπέλυσε Γιάννα Παπαδάκου πριν από λίγο στην ΕΡΤ αναφορικά με την διερεύνηση του μεγάλου σκανδάλου. Μίλησε ευθέως για ροή μαύρου χρήματος πεζικό λογαριασμό που βρίσκεται στα χέρια των αμερικανικών αρχών. Εξαιρετικά ενδιαφέρουσα όμως ήταν και η επισήμανση ότι ο κύριος Μανιαδάκης λειτουργούσε ως σύμβουλος υπουργών ενώ είχε αποδεδειγμένη σχέση με την εταιρεία!

via Βόμβα της Γιάννας Παπαδάκου για Novartis: Βρέθηκε ο λογαριασμός με μαύρο χρήμα υπουργού – YouTube

Το έγγραφο του ΕΟΦ που «καίει» τον Μανιαδάκη

ο έγγραφο που αποκαλύπτει σήμερα η «Νέα Σελίδα» είναι άκρως ενδεικτικό του ρόλου του ως ανθρώπου-κλειδί που επηρέαζε τις τιμές των φαρμάκων. Πρόκειται για υπηρεσιακό σημείωμα του Εθνικού Οργανισμού Φαρμάκων (ΕΟΦ) με ημερομηνία 24/9/2012 που αφορούσε στον καθορισμό των τιμών. Ο Νίκος Μανιαδάκης εμφανίζεται ως πρωταγωνιστής, καθώς, όπως αναφέρεται στο έγγραφο, η συνάντηση της ομάδας εργασίας του ΕΟΦ έγινε με τον ίδιο.

Η δικτύωση του Νίκου Μανιαδάκη με την τρόικα ήταν τόσο ισχυρή που τα προγράμματα του μνημονίου για την υγεία συντάχθηκαν από τον ίδιο και τον τότε εκπρόσωπο της τρόικας στην Ελλάδα για τις «μεταρρυθμίσεις» στην υγεία, Ιταλό τεχνοκράτη Αλ. Γκαρόνε. Μια πρώτη εφαρμογή αυτών των «μεταρρυθμίσεων» ήταν ο συμψηφισμός των χρεών που είχαν τα νοσοκομεία προς τις φαρμακευτικές εταιρείες, όπως και οι συγχωνεύσεις κάποιων νοσοκομείων…

via Το έγγραφο του ΕΟΦ που «καίει» τον Μανιαδάκη

Wikileaks: The IMF’s Fault for Balkan Wars :: Balkan Insight

In the document from 2009, titled Europe Analytical Guidance, Stratfor alerts its analysts to watch out for any possible riots occurring due to economic crises, since the current situation in Balkans is complex and multifaceted.

“Do not forget, the IMF austerity measures imposed on Yugoslavia were in part to blame for the start of the war there. We need to be aware of any economically motivated social discontent,” document states.

Analysts should pay attention to any possible protest and union activity since, according to Stratfor, the protests by Albanian unions inflamed further conflicts.

“Remember, it was the strikes by the Albanian miners in Kosovo back in the 1980s that in a way moved the region towards conflagration,” states the document.

When it comes to possible conflicts and security issues, the report finds Bosnia and Herzegovina most critical. “Any split developing in the Croatian-Muslim federation is key,” it states.

According to the e-mails from Stratfor revealed by Wikileaks, several journalists from the Balkan media have been working for this intelligence agency, including Veran Matic, head of the Belgrade based media B92, and Bosko Jaksic of Politika newspaper.

Stratfor’s computers were apparently invaded last year by the hacker group Anonymous, which revealed personal information of Stratfor’s customers.

via Wikileaks: The IMF’s Fault for Balkan Wars :: Balkan Insight

Who is behind the push for a post-Brexit free trade deal with the US? | Felicity Lawrence | Opinion | The Guardian

All services and government procurement should be opened to international competition. While these thinktanks acknowledge that opening up the NHS might be too controversial, they think it a good idea. And protections designed to avoid workers being exploited or undercut by cheap migrant labour, which, for example, limit the number of hours people can be asked to work, or require parity of pay with local workers for those posted abroad, should be removed, says Plan A+. The same goes for environmental protections, food standards and the precautionary principle that the EU favours when assessing risk.

The US sees many of these rules as protectionist, Plan A+ explains. It says that in order to persuade the US to make concessions that would allow the UK’s services sector greater access to its markets, Britain will have to make concessions on standards the Americans find irksome, especially in food, agriculture and other goods. The things the US complains about and wants conceded include limits on pesticide residues and hormone-disrupting chemicals in food, nutritional labelling, the use of genetically modified organisms, the export of animal byproducts including some specified risk material for BSE, food additives such as flavourings that the EU has banned because of concerns over safety, hygiene rules including chlorine treatments on poultry and other meats, and animal-rearing standards such as the use of growth-promoting chemicals in pork and hormones in beef production.

via Who is behind the push for a post-Brexit free trade deal with the US? | Felicity Lawrence | Opinion | The Guardian

Η κυβέρνηση κάνει όλη την Ελλάδα αμερικανική βάση – INFOWAR

Η κυβέρνηση Τραμπ προωθεί τη «στρατηγική συμμαχία» με την κυβέρνηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-ΑΝΕΛ για να καλύψει την αστάθεια που προκαλείται στη νοτιοανατολική πτέρυγα του ΝΑΤΟ από τον αμφίσημο ρόλο της Τουρκίας. Έχει γραφτεί πως τα 2/3 της μεγάλης αμερικανικής βάσης στο Ιντσιρλίκ έχουν μεταφερθεί ήδη στην Ελλάδα.

Ας σημειωθεί πως εκεί βρίσκονται και 50 βόμβες υδρογόνου Β-61, τρομακτικής ισχύος, ενώ όπως έχει καταγγελθεί υπάρχει προετοιμασία στη βάση του Άραξου για υποδοχή πυρηνικών όπλων! Οι ΗΠΑ υπόσχονται επενδύσεις, προχωρούν σε εξαγορές (και) με γεωπολιτική οπτική (βλέπε ναυπηγεία Σύρου, αλλά και πρόταση για Σκαραμαγκά, Ελευσίνα).

via Η κυβέρνηση κάνει όλη την Ελλάδα αμερικανική βάση – INFOWAR

Did a Rogue NSA Operation Cause the Death of a Greek Telecom Employee?

And according to a highly classified NSA document provided by Snowden and previously published by The Intercept, covertly recruiting employees in foreign telecom companies has long been one of the NSA’s deepest secrets. A program code-named “Sentry Owl,” for example, deals with “foreign commercial platform[s]” and “human asset[s] cooperating with the NSA/CSS [Central Security Service].” The document warns that information related to Sentry Owl must be classified at an unusually high level, known as ECI, or Exceptionally Controlled Information, well above top secret.

“Human intelligence guys can provide sometimes the needed physical access without which you just can’t do the signals intelligence activity,” Gen. Hayden, the NSA head at the time of the Athens bugging, who later ran the CIA, told me.

Basil’s ties to Greece made him very good at developing local agents. “He was the best recruiter the station had, the best,” said the former CIA associate in Athens. “[Basil] may have been in charge of recruiting the guy on the inside. He may have made the initial recruitment.”

With an agent in place inside the network, the next step would be to implant spyware capable of secretly transmitting the conversations of the NSA’s targets to the shadow phones where they could be resent to NSA computers. Developing such complex malware is the job of the NSA’s Tailored Access Operations (TAO) organization.

via Did a Rogue NSA Operation Cause the Death of a Greek Telecom Employee?

Forgotten History: The Klan vs. Americans of Greek Heritage in an Era of Hate and the Birth of the Ahepa – The Pappas Post

he Klan Grand Dragon of Oregon said in a spirited speech in Atlanta: “The Klan in the western states has a great mission to perform. The rapid growth of the Japanese population and the great influx of foreign laborers, mostly Greeks, is threatening our American institutions; and, Klans in Washington, Oregon and Idaho are actively at work to combat these foreign and un-American influences.”

Probably the most blatant hard-line bullying, almost humorous, occurred in Pensacola, Florida. A Klansman handed a note to a Greek restaurateur which read: “You are an undesirable citizen. You violate the Federal Prohibition Laws and laws of decency and are a running sore on society. Several trains are leaving Pensacola daily. Take your choice but do not take too much time. Sincerely in earnest, KKK.”

via Forgotten History: The Klan vs. Americans of Greek Heritage in an Era of Hate and the Birth of the Ahepa – The Pappas Post

Meet the Economist Behind the One Percent’s Stealth Takeover of America

To put the success into perspective, MacLean points to the fact that Henry Manne, whom Buchanan was instrumental in hiring, created legal programs for law professors and federal judges which could boast that by 1990 two of every five sitting federal judges had participated. “40 percent of the U.S. federal judiciary,” writes MacLean, “had been treated to a Koch-backed curriculum.”

MacLean illustrates that in South America, Buchanan was able to first truly set his ideas in motion by helping a bare-knuckles dictatorship ensure the permanence of much of the radical transformation it inflicted on a country that had been a beacon of social progress. The historian emphasizes that Buchanan’s role in the disastrous Pinochet government of Chile has been underestimated partly because unlike Milton Friedman, who advertised his activities, Buchanan had the shrewdness to keep his involvement quiet. With his guidance, the military junta deployed public choice economics in the creation of a new constitution, which required balanced budgets and thereby prevented the government from spending to meet public needs.

via Meet the Economist Behind the One Percent’s Stealth Takeover of America

When Thousands of Greek Women Arrived as Picture Brides – The Pappas Post

More than a half million Greeks emigrated to the United States between 1880 and 1920— ninety percent of whom were men, creating a demographic nightmare for their future as a community, namely— the lack of women.

As a result, the era of the picture bride was born and thousands of young Greek women were sent to America, many only after having seen their prospective husbands in a photograph that was sent to the village from faraway America by a friend or relative attempting to make the connection, or from a marriage agency set up in the immigrant communities abroad.

It was a dangerous journey for unwed girls, and although some were enthusiastic to leave Greece for the mythical New World, many were forced against their will to leave and begin new lives with stage— often much older— men.

via When Thousands of Greek Women Arrived as Picture Brides – The Pappas Post

Garment Jungle, The Original Trailer – YouTube

via Garment Jungle, The Original Trailer – YouTube

Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr.: The Greek Dilemma – YouTube

Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr.: The Greek Dilemma

via Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr.: The Greek Dilemma – YouTube

America Is the Richest, and Most Unequal, Nation

The world is awash in personal wealth: $153.2 trillion in total, according to Allianz’s new Global Wealth Report 2015. That’s enough to pay three times the world’s sovereign debt, the debts of each nation. The report, which measured 2014 wealth, found 2014 was the third consecutive year in which global wealth grew more than 7%.

The jump was largely the result of households pumping up their personal savings efforts. The U.S.—with $63.5 trillion in total private wealth—holds the largest amount of any country in the world. But that wealth is unevenly distributed, and nowhere is that more evident than in the U.S., which also has the largest wealth inequality gap of 55 countries studied, according to the report.

via America Is the Richest, and Most Unequal, Nation

Ποιος κυβερνά τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες;

«Υπήρχαν πάντα δύο CIA. Η κανονική, που αναλύει την πραγματικότητα για να ενημερώσει την ηγεσία των ΗΠΑ και η … άλλη, που φτιάχνει την πραγματικότητα που χρειάζεται για να δικαιολογηθεί μια πολιτική».

Ο άνθρωπος που μας τα λέει αυτά δεν είναι τυχαίος. Πρώην ανώτερος αναλυτής της CIA, ο Ray McGovern ήταν ο άνθρωπος που ενημέρωνε πέντε διαδοχικούς Αμερικανούς Προέδρους για αυτά που έπρεπε να γνωρίζουν για το τι έκανε και τι σχεδίαζε η Μόσχα.

Οι ΗΠΑ είναι μια παγκόσμια υπερδύναμη, με τη δυνατότητα να καταστρέψει τον πλανήτη σε μερικές ώρες. Το ποιος ελέγχει πραγματικά το κράτος αυτό, το πως και από ποιόν παίρνονται για παράδειγμα αποφάσεις όπως η επίθεση κατά της Συρίας του Άσαντ ή οι απειλές πολέμου κατά της Βορείου Κορέας τον περασμένο Απρίλιο, είναι ένα θέμα ζωτικής, παγκόσμιας σημασίας.

via Ποιος κυβερνά τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες;

Έγγραφα αποκαλύπτουν πώς το Χόλιγουντ προωθεί τον πόλεμο για λογαριασμό του Πενταγώνου, της CIA και της NSA

Το βιβλίο Σινεμά Εθνικής Ασφάλειας αποκαλύπτει επίσης το πώς υποστηρίχθηκαν και επηρεάστηκαν δεκάδες ταινίες και τηλεοπτικές εκπομπές από τη CIA, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της περιπέτειας Τζέιμς Μποντ: Επιχείρηση Κεραυνός (Thunderball), το θρίλερ του Τομ Κλάνσι, Παιχνίδια Ολέθρου (Patriot Games) και πιο πρόσφατων ταινιών, όπως την Γαμπρός της Συμφοράς (Meet The Parents) και Salt.

Η CIA μάλιστα βοήθησε να γίνει ένα επεισόδιο του Τοπ Σεφ (Top Chef) που φιλοξενήθηκε στο Λάνγκλεϊ, με ειδικό συμμετέχοντα τον τότε διευθυντή της CIA Λεόν Πανέτα, τον οποίον έδειξαν ότι έπρεπε να παραλείψει το επιδόρπιο για να παραβρεθεί σε μια ζωτικής σημασίας επιχείρηση. Ήταν αυτή η σκηνή πραγματική ή ήταν μια δραματική δήλωση για τις κάμερες;

via Έγγραφα αποκαλύπτουν πώς το Χόλιγουντ προωθεί τον πόλεμο για λογαριασμό του Πενταγώνου, της CIA και της NSA –